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Chapter three hundred and sixty-three, universal suffrage

The new Fei Jin, the original butcher, was talking to Yu Bell, the secretary of the French Embassy in a safe house.

"Mr. Feijin, the liberation of British workers, fundamentally, can only rely on the awakening and efforts of British workers themselves. At present, there is only so much help we can provide. In the current situation, I suggest that you can accept this kind of flexibility and change the name of the "Textile Workers Federation" to "Textile Workers Federation Club" to avoid related legal issues. In addition, considering that the club will have a large number of legal activities in the future, Feijin will not be used easily. Do you have any other names that can be used?"

"It would be better to call the Textile Workers Party directly. As for the name, use the name on my ID certificate, Gevin Pran," said Fei Jin. "As for temporarily reaching the resumption of work with those guys, we can talk about it after the police release our comrades. I know that bread must be eaten bit by bit. But if we change the name, can we really avoid the blow from the British government?"

"Of course it is impossible. This is just a step for them. What can make them fear is never a legal loophole. Especially in countries like Britain that implement case law. The key is that your struggles put pressure on them, so they are willing to compromise. For example, in France, the status and income of workers are significantly higher than that of Britain. We in France do not have child labor because all children of school age must receive compulsory education. The income of our French workers is also far higher than that of Britain. Why? Is it because our French factory owners are particularly kind? Of course not, this is because French workers have demonstrated their strength in the French revolution. Therefore, those factory owners naturally have to respect powerful workers. As long as you can maintain your own organization and strengthen your own strength, they will not dare to do anything unscrupulously." Yuber replied.

"If that's the case, I think the 'Textile Workers' Union Club' is not powerful enough." Feijin, no, should have been Gevin Planan laughed, "We might as well call the 'England Union Club' directly."

"Ah, bread must be eaten one bite by one, Mr. Plain. I suggest that you should consolidate your basic foundation for the time being, set an example for other industries, and then consider the next step. As for the recent past, I know that some rich people have a lot of dissatisfaction with the issue of suffrage, and they hope to make some changes in this regard. I personally suggest that you can take this opportunity to promote universal suffrage in addition to fighting for wages and other things."

In this era, Britain had an electoral system, but these electoral systems had very direct dual thresholds of property and origin. Therefore, in this era, the people with the right to vote and the right to be elected accounted for only about two percent of the total population, which was even less than the active and negative citizens made by Lafayette and others in the early French Revolution.

In the British House of Nobles, members of parliament must naturally be nobles. The House of Commoners, also has various kinds of restrictions on elections. First of all, the setting of constituencies, and the setting of constituencies is a major issue. In the UK, the election of the House of Commoners was mainly based on regions, rather than population. In this way, a large number of rural constituencies emerged, and cities with dense populations could obtain fewer places.

This small constituency based on the territory is very beneficial to the conservatives, or to put it more clearly, to the landlords and land nobles. The control of these people in small villages is deeply rooted. So a strange phenomenon occurred in the British Parliament, that is, the members of the House of Nobles are often rotated, but some seats in the House of Commoners have become hereditary.

This phenomenon also occurred in a certain East Asian country in later generations. In the early days, a certain East Asian country was forced to be forced to be elected by others because of the defeat in the war, which made the left-wing socialist party become stronger and could compete with the Liberal Democratic Party, which was alliance between the Chinese and the big merchants. So the country immediately adjusted the constituency settings and changed the original large constituency to a small constituency. Then, basically, the elected members of each constituency were hereditary constituents. As for the Socialist Party that could compete with the Liberal Democratic Party for a time, there were only two or three kittens and three puppies left.

The electoral system in Britain today actually makes many wealthy business owners dissatisfied with it. Because there are not enough people who can directly represent their interests in the parliament. Although they can also spend money to buy those landlords, wouldn’t it be more pleasant if they can spend less money and go directly to it?

So now, a group of factory owners are also making a fuss about re-election plans, hoping to allocate the quota of members of the House of Commons according to the population ratio. Now this proposal is in a good mood in the UK.

"Fight for universal suffrage? How much does this do to us?" asked Gervin Plan.

"United States suffrage is a job," Yuber replied. "Look at our French, any adult man, as long as he does not commit a crime or has special mental defects, he has universal suffrage. In this case, no MP dares to propose such an irrespectful bill that prohibits workers from organizing trade unions across factories. We even stipulate that there must be trade unions in factories."

There is one thing Yu Bell didn't explain clearly, that is, the unions in French factories may not really represent workers. To be more precise, considering that workers are very mobile in French factories, trade union organizations basically only represent those "skilled workers" with less mobility, or the so-called "worker aristocrats". But there is no need to explain this to the British so clearly.

Gevin Pran was completely unfamiliar with elections, so he thought about it and replied: "I don't understand the matter about universal suffrage. I need to learn it and think about it. Sorry, I can't answer you immediately. Oh, right? Do you have any books to recommend to me about these questions?"

Yu Beier was not surprised by this result. The new Fei Jin was not as knowledgeable as the old Fei Jin, but there was no reason why he was arranged as the successor by Fei Jin because he was very steady.

On the other hand, Yu Beier also believes that after careful consideration, Gevin Plan will support this direction, because doing so is indeed beneficial to them.
Chapter completed!
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