Chapter 229 Dewey (1)
Washington knew all the same as Churchill's behavior of sending people to Britain to cause trouble, and with a happy attitude, he acquiesced to it, but except for providing extremely limited technical support, he did not intervene. According to Dewey's original intention, if this matter was done, the Allied forces could be revitalized, and it could also significantly destroy Germany's strategic layout in the European continent and delay the reconciliation between Britain and Germany; if it is screwed, it will not lose anything from Churchill's troops. Even if Germany needs to investigate, it will not be able to find the United States. If the sky falls, it will be the fat man Churchill will be the one who will be held back.
Who knew that the matter was not done in the end, but the German insisted that it was the mastermind behind the scenes. Dewey was so angry that he really wanted to drag Churchill over and beat him up. At the same time, he wanted to tell the Germans that you were blind? It was obviously a fat man who was doing something, so you should go find him! Find him!
But it was useless for him to roar in the Oval Office of the White House. It was only possible for Germany and the world public to believe it. Not to mention that the Group of Axis 48 does not believe in the argument that the United States has nothing to do with this, even the Swiss ambassador of the Neutral Party did not believe his excuse. At least he had a skeptical attitude. The Swedish ambassador believed that the United States was simply shirking responsibility, thinking that Germany was right, and that the Americans had been conspiring on the continent, and were extremely annoyed by this.
As for the US lawmakers, they were divided into two factions. One praised Dewey's "decision-making", believing that it was a good way to win morale and fight back against aggression; the other thought it was a bit in line with chivalrous spirit and political morality, and had a reservation about it, but he did not think that he did anything wrong.
In private, Dewey expressed vague anxiety about this matter, but in public, especially in public places where journalists intervened, his attitude was as tough as ever: "The enemy attacked Pearl Harbor and New York. Is it not a civilian target? Is it not a gathering place for civilians? Why can the enemy attack our civilian targets and civilians? We cannot attack? As for the threats from the Germans, let them go to hell, they had been doing this long before they said this. We are never afraid, we will never surrender, we desire peace but will never bow to threats and tyranny!"
These beautiful words won him a lot of applause and also led to a rapid decline in the polls after his election because of the precarious situation in Hawaii. Everyone believes that although the army is not good at fighting in South America and is struggling in Hawaii, at least they are trying their best to assassinate this matter has received the support of many ordinary civilians.
After the New Year, Ribbintrov received a formal reply from the US through Switzerland: It claimed that it had nothing to do with this matter! He directly asked the neutral party: "Since Washington said it was not what they did, who did it? If Churchill took action, the US government should come forward and issue a statement."
"What statement?" said the Swiss Foreign Minister, who has always matched the two countries of the United States and Germany, in a dilemma, "Can you please be more specific?"
"Soundedly declare that the US government has nothing to do with this terrorist incident, and expresses its position that the US government never supports or will not use such terrorist attacks, expresses regret and moral condemns the Canadian government for such behavior!"
The Swiss think the German side makes sense.
Thinking that this demand was not too much, Dewey conveyed his opinion to Washington. After hearing this, he smiled bitterly: Can such words be said? Denying through secret diplomatic channels is the biggest compromise of the United States. After all, in public, the government has not yet separated its relationship with the assassination.
If the United States publicly denies and condemns this matter, then admit that the whole thing was done by the Churchill government. Do you still expect to push it to free France or other terrorist organizations? It is openly despising the wisdom of European politicians. Even the assassination of the head of statesman, which has always been engaged in terrorist activities, dare not come forward to take the blame. This is too big because this is not an ordinary attack. It happened in London, England. Attacking the German head of state at Buckingham Palace, which provoked the two major powers of Britain and Germany in an instant, and it was simply a desperate situation.
If the Jewish organizations dare to come forward and say that they did it themselves, the consequences in the future will be unimaginable. There will be millions of Jews in Africa. After finally waiting for the Germans to close the concentration camps and gradually release Jewish workers, they really dare to admit it. It is impossible for Germany to really carry out genocide. These organizations are very self-aware. Even if they dare to take the blame for the world and admit it, they will not be able to truly take responsibility: a joke, how can they carry out terrorist attacks under the strict defense of the British and German troops? How can they not be supported by the government?
The assassination operation is now full of praise among the people of the United States. The mainstream public opinion believes that it is completely appropriate and justified, which puts Dewey in a dilemma: denying the connection directly offends voters and allied governments, and admitting the connection means offending the German government fiercely. In the end, the two evils are less likely to offend Germans than their own people.
As for condemning the Churchill government, it is even more impossible to take action. This will become the United States and allies will break openly. Dewey will not make such a low-level pediatric political mistake. Therefore, he can only act two-faced. On the one hand, he privately denies the United States' support for terrorist operations, and on the other hand, he also sent a telegram to Ottawa to "express understanding and support" and even praised the British intelligence agencies for doing a good job through the Joint Chiefs of Staff located in Washington!
For this sentence, the longbowman lost more than 50 radicals and the same number of peripheral personnel, and more than 200 people who were not directly involved but were also members of the organization were arrested. The search work presided over by Da C is still underway.
This ambiguous attitude is no big deal for the American media and public opinion. Even the members of the Joint Conference did not recognize the severity of Germany's above statement after the above statement. Who would not say anything? Britain and the United States also claimed to surrender unconditionally. Are you talking about the conditions for peace now?
In the words of the generals of the Joint Conference, "I did a good job! I just regret not being successful!"
Seeing that the United States has not made a clear statement for a long time, the Axis Group and the neutral countries believed that the US government was accusing that it was useless to say more about it!
At the end of the whole thing, only Winston Churchill, who was far away in Canada, showed a smile of success in the conspiracy: the assassination showed the energy of the Ottawa government and was a warning to the people of Great Britain; at the same time, it hit Germany's arrogance and saved some face for the war; more importantly, through the US's subsequent reaction and Dewey's telegram, he confirmed that the Washington authorities would not abandon themselves and the British government (Grand), which was enough. As for the success of the assassination, he did not have hope from the beginning. What is important is the process rather than the result!
After receiving the re-call from Ribbentrop, Hoffman smiled coldly, and Dewey's reaction at both ends of the rat was expected: he neither wanted to give up the rise in reputation and internal cohesion effects brought by this matter, nor did he want to bear certain adverse consequences. How could such a cheap thing be in the world?
He told Ribbentrop: "Don't pay attention to the Americans' whining," further raise the quotation, and force the peace talks to break down!"
The latter obviously understands this.
When explaining these contents, Britain and Germany have reached a package agreement:
First, in late January, a referendum on Northern Ireland's status was held, just like the Denmark referendum, and European Congresses sent observers;
Second, the two sides have clarified the unified arrangement for the situation in South Africa. South Africa will be decomposed into British South African territory (about 1 million square kilometers), the Boer Republic (more than 250,000 square kilometers, but cannot be merged with the Netherlands), two African protectors (30,000 square kilometers of Lesotho Kingdom and 20,000 square kilometers of Swaziland), Northern Rhodesia recognizes the current occupation status of European countries, and Southern Rhodesia (mainly in Botswana) is still a direct British colony through these measures, and London consolidates nearly 1.5 million square kilometers of land;
Third, perform legal procedures and formally change the country name to the "United Kingdom of Great Britain and Newfoundland";
Fourth, prepare military forces to enter the American Territory (mainly including British Guiana, Trinidad and Tobago), and the territory will be restored by Germany;
Fifth, produce military products in accordance with Germany's unified technical specifications and standard drawings;
Sixth, participate in the EU and the United Nations as founding member states;
Seventh, persuade Australia and New Zealand to surrender as the sovereign state. Germany promised to protect the independence of the two countries and not allow them to be occupied by Japan, but the necessary compensation and benefits should be given to some London authorities in Japan to express their understanding and acceptance of this.
Through this series of measures, the major differences between Britain and Germany were basically resolved. After visiting German troops in Scotland and the Isle of Man, Hoffman set out to Ireland to discuss future EU operations with Ireland.
Chapter completed!